THE news of the loot of donations from Ayodhya’s Ram Mandir may have come as a shock to innocent devotees. But what has happened is only a continuation of what had been taking place in the name of the Ram Mandir from the very beginning — while all of it was kept out of the public eye amid the deafening frenzy of religious mobilisation. To borrow the famous words of Abraham Lincoln, this can be described as the story of a robbery committed by hooligans who had been appointed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi as “his own boys” in the temple trust. Nripendra Misra, the chairman of the temple construction committee, described it as an “open robbery.” The presence of Gyanesh Kumar Gupta — notorious for his alleged role in vote theft — as a member of the temple committee for four years during the period when this theft allegedly took place, and his subsequent appointment by Modi as the Election Commissioner, throws light on the kind of “qualifications” that mattered in such appointments. Despite attempts by much of the mainstream media to remain silent or treat the matter lightly, the country — and indeed the world — came to know that even Ram was not spared from being robbed.

Both the scale and dimensions of this robbery are enormous. Initially, the amount siphoned off was reported to be over Rs 200 crore, but it is now becoming clear that the actual amount is far greater. This is because the theft was not confined to the currency notes that disappeared daily from donation boxes. It also involved massive quantities of gold, silver, diamond, and ashtadhatu slabs and plaques that had been donated since the nationwide campaign to build the Ram temple began. Their actual value would obviously run into hundreds of crores of rupees. It is only natural that the individuals currently under arrest are neither the only culprits nor the principal beneficiaries of such a massive theft. The person who was responsible for maintaining records of these slabs in 1989 told the media that the clay slabs donated at the time are still preserved in Karsevak Puram. However, the responsibility for safeguarding the gold and silver slabs rested with trust general secretary Champat Rai. This raises serious questions about his responsibility for the disappearance of these donations.

Adequate and systematic arrangements appear to have been made to ensure that the loot could continue smoothly. According to Nripendra Misra, nearly 90 per cent of the prescribed security protocols were ignored. Experts point out that about a year and a half ago, when CCTV cameras were being installed in the highly sensitive room where donations were counted, a highly influential official of the trust personally stopped the installation, saying that those working there were “our own boys” and therefore did not require surveillance. Even so, security agencies reportedly installed hidden cameras that recorded their activities. During the investigation, Rs 10 lakh was recovered from beneath a pile of cow dung at the house of one of these five employees.

The protection extended to these individuals was not confined to the inside of the temple premises but continued outside as well. Even small institutions routinely search employees handling cash before they leave the premises. But these employees were exempt even from routine checks, let alone thorough searches. To ensure that no accidental scrutiny occurred, personnel of the Uttar Pradesh Police or any other security agency were deliberately kept away from the vicinity of the currency-counting room.

None of this happened by accident. It was done on the instructions of an “influential official” of the trust. The trust, formed by Modi, is effectively the Ram temple arm of the RSS. Its members were chosen from among those deeply loyal to Modi, thoroughly committed to the Sangh and its ideology, and actively involved in the Ram temple movement. Owing to statutory requirements, the trust also includes a single Dalit member, who likewise comes from a Sangh background. Since Modi had not yet emerged on the national political scene in 1989, it was this Dalit member who laid the original foundation stone, adding a symbolic touch of “social harmony” to what was fundamentally a political project.

Champat Rai is a lifelong Sangh functionary. He had earlier come under scrutiny over land purchases for the Ram temple, including a transaction in which land reportedly bought for less than Rs 3 crore was purchased for the temple for around Rs 24 crore within a matter of days. That controversy was widely exposed, and several other land purchases also attracted allegations of irregularities. The entire process of temple construction was under his supervision. Nothing — from the bhog offered to Ram to the day-to-day functioning of the temple — takes place without his approval. It, therefore, strains credulity to believe that such a large-scale disappearance of donations could have occurred without his knowledge, consent, or participation. It is no longer merely a matter of suspicion that, apart from these “our own boys,” another person believed to be involved is Rai’s driver, Tunnu Yadav.

As soon as these shameless thefts came to light, the BJP's IT Cell attempted to give the issue a political colour by blaming the opposition parties. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath reportedly directed that discussion of this alleged dacoity be curtailed, describing criticism as defamation of Ayodhya and an insult to Lord Ram. The Sangh's online troll army stooped so low as to launch a vicious campaign against the minor daughter of the president of Uttar Pradesh's largest opposition party, the Samajwadi Party (SP). However, this attempt at diversion did not last long. Individuals associated with the Ram Temple movement, including several shankaracharyas, began making strong public statements about the alleged scam. Mahant Kamalnayan Das, the designated successor to trust chairman Mahant Nritya Gopal Das, stated: “If there has been any wrongdoing, it must be investigated.” At the same time, expressing little faith in the investigative process, he remarked, “But who will investigate? The investigators themselves are dishonest. Those creating this uproar are no saints either. People who once rode bicycles are now travelling in luxury cars and living in palatial houses. Society deserves to know how all this happened.” Eventually, in despair, he left the matter to divine justice, saying that “God judges everyone according to their deeds.”

Avimukteshwaranand Saraswati has alleged that Modi’s intention from the outset was to make the temple trust an extension of the Prime Minister’s Office so that handpicked individuals could control it and siphon off offerings worth crores of rupees every month. Even Vinay Katiyar stated that the matter should be thoroughly investigated, since it concerns the faith of crores of devotees.

Incidentally, it is worth recalling that while this particular method of financial fraud in the name of the Ram Temple may be new, it is by no means the first such episode. From the very beginning, the temple movement has been accompanied by a series of controversies and allegations of financial irregularities. Even earlier, reports of embezzlement of donations surfaced from time to time. After the Supreme Court’s judgment as well, when donations exceeding Rs 5,000 crore were collected, allegations of irregularities again emerged. But when those allegedly involved occupy positions at the highest levels, suppressing such issues becomes relatively easy. And when the watchdog media has turned into a lapdog, it becomes possible not merely to throw dust into the public’s eyes but, metaphorically, to gouge them out altogether. That has happened before.

The fate of Baba Lal Das stands as a grim reminder. In the early 1980s, he was appointed by the Alahabad High Court as the chief mahant responsible for the idols of Ram Lalla housed within the Babri Masjid complex. Baba Lal Das publicly maintained that the Ayodhya dispute was essentially a local land dispute and should not be given a political colour. He also accused the Vishva Hindu Parishad of exploiting the issue for political purposes. According to him, “Those who want to do this are actually more interested in creating tension across India so that they can cash in on Hindu votes.” He strongly condemned the communal hatred being spread in the name of Lord Ram and pointed out that Hindus and Muslims had lived together peacefully in Ayodhya for centuries. He also opposed L K Advani’s Rath Yatra, following which the government of Kalyan Singh removed him from the position of chief priest. Because of these outspoken views, he became a target of the Sangh Parivar and the VHP. Finally, on November 16, 1993, he was shot dead in Ranipur Chhattar village.

Why has no prominent leader of the Sangh Parivar — whose political fortunes have been built by exploiting the temple issue and whipping up communal passions — spoken out after such a massive alleged theft came to light? Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who claimed credit for providing Lord Ram with a temple after centuries, has remained silent, so has Home Minister Amit Shah. Even RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat has had nothing to say.

More than two weeks passed after the theft came to light, yet no FIR was registered at any police station in Ayodhya or elsewhere in Uttar Pradesh. Instead, a special investigation team (SIT) was constituted without even a formal police complaint. Neither Champat Rai nor Anil Mishra was named. How can an SIT meaningfully investigate a cognisable offence without first registering a case? These apprehensions were not unfounded. Events unfolded much as expected. For the time being, the pawns have been surrounded while the kingmakers have been protected. The entire scandal may ultimately be dismissed as a conspiracy to defame the nation and Hinduism. If Modi controls the government and much of the media remains compliant, almost anything becomes possible.

What this episode demonstrates once again is that those who wrap themselves in the flag of religion in order to pursue communal politics and spread hatred have little genuine commitment to religion itself. The very faith in whose name they mobilise people is the first thing they betray. What Tulsidas wrote is particularly apt for such people:

"Vanchak bhagat kahai Ram ke, kinkar kanchan koi kaam ke;
Tinha moh pratham rekh jag mori, dhiṅg dharam dhwaj dhandhak dhori.” (Those who deceive people by calling themselves devotees of Rama, who are slaves to wealth, greed, anger, and lust, who parade false flags of religion while carrying on the business of deceit—I stand first among such people in this world.)

Translated by Sandhya Shaily